African American Vernacular English essays

African American Vernacular English essays Origins of AAVE There is some controversy about the origin of AAVE. Some people believe that the Black people, who were brought to America as slaves, picked up English from the English-speaking' Southerners they came in contact with. The proponents of this theory, also known as the dialect hypothesis, note that the AAVE and the English spoken by the American Southerners have many features in common, such as the Southern Vowel Shift, vowel lowering, and double modals. (Sidnell, background) The theory contends that the white Southerners in the 17th century spoke a distinct "Virginian" dialect that had its origins in a family of regional dialects spoken in the south and west of England in counties such as Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire, Dorset, Devon, Wiltshire, Oxford and Gloucester during the 17th century. (Williams, 24) Although the use of such a dialect in polite conversation quickly disappeared in England by the end of the 18th century, most of its characteristics persisted in the American South. According to this theory, the incorrect' English picked up by the Blacks from the Southern whites was passed down through subsequent generations. In other words, this theory (also known as the dialect hypothesis') about the origins of AAVE contends that the present form of the dialect is simply "bad English" and has nothing to do with the native, Western African languages of the slaves. In answer to the question as to why this type of English does not currently exist among its originators, the proponents of this theory argue that most people avoid using "bad" English when they get educated. They contend that the Englishmen from the south and west counties of Britain and the white Southerners discontinued the use of such an incorrect' form of English after being educated; the African Americans continued to persist with such bad' as they did not benefit f...

King Richard I of England - Richard the Lionheart

King Richard I of England - Richard the Lionheart Richard, I was also known as: Richard the Lionheart, Richard the Lionhearted, Richard the Lion-Heart, Richard the Lion-hearted; from the French, Coeur de Lion, for his bravery Richard, I was known for: His courage and prowess on the battlefield, and his notable displays of chivalry and courtesy to his fellow knights and enemies. Richard was extremely popular during his lifetime, and for centuries after his death, he remained one of the most well-regarded kings in English history. Occupations: CrusaderKingMilitary Leader Places of Residence and Influence: EnglandFrance Important Dates: Born: Sept. 8, 1157Crowned king of England: Sept. 3, 1189Captured: March, 1192Freed from captivity: Feb. 4, 1194Crowned again: April 17, 1194Died: April 6, 1199 About Richard I: Richard the Lionheart was the son of King Henry II of England and Eleanor of Aquitaine and the second king in the Plantagenet line. Richard was far more interested in his holdings in France and in his Crusading endeavors than he was in governing England, where he spent about six months of his ten-year reign. In fact, he nearly depleted the treasury left by his father in order to fund his Crusade. Though he scored some successes in the Holy Land, Richard and his fellow Crusaders failed to meet the objective of the Third Crusade, which was to recapture Jerusalem from Saladin. On his way home from the Holy Land in March of 1192, Richard was shipwrecked, captured, and handed over to Emperor Henry VI. A large portion of the 150,000-mark ransom was raised through heavy taxing of the people of England, and Richard was freed in February of 1194. Upon returning to England he had a second coronation to demonstrate that he still had control of the country, then promptly went to Normandy and never returned. The next five years were spent in periodic warfare with King Philip II of France. Richard died from a wound inflicted when besieging the castle of Chà ¢lus. His marriage to Berengaria of Navarre had produced no children, and the English crown passed to his brother John. For a more detailed look at this popular English king, visit your Guides Biography of Richard the Lionheart. More Richard the Lionhearted Resources: Biography of Richard the LionheartRichard the Lionheart Image GalleryRichard the Lionheart in PrintRichard the Lionheart on the Web Richard the Lionheart on Film Henry II (Peter OToole) must choose which of his three surviving sons will succeed him, and a vicious verbal battle ensues between himself and his strong-willed queen. Richard is portrayed by Anthony Hopkins (in his first feature film); Katharine Hepburn won an Oscar ® for her portrayal of Eleanor.Medieval Renaissance Monarchs of EnglandThe CrusadesMedieval BritainMedieval FranceChronological IndexGeographical IndexIndex by Profession, Achievement, or Role in Society

Political Corruption in Israel Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5000 words

Political Corruption in Israel - Research Paper Example Only recently very reliable sources identified that Israel bagged 30th position out of 178 countries when evaluated in context of corruption rate and even worse results were witnessed when the country was compared to other member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Dattel and Reuters). Highly irresponsible, unprofessional, and inconsiderate behavior of the politicians has led to prodigious public commotion within the country but unfortunately, the terror game played by atrocious political instigators which is fraught with big risks continues to remain in vogue. This research paper is basically an attempt to discuss what contemporary research evidence has to offer on the reality of political turmoil in Israel and how corruption and debaucheries of the political leaders is negatively interfering with the basis of moral government. Research material presented in the paper will principally focus on the corruption of politicians and influential public officials and how their conduct serves to foster lawlessness in every field of life will also be debated in the paper. Israel is placed in the category of â€Å"Elite Cartel Corruption† by Johnston who analyzed political corruption in association with nature of political agencies and economic liberalization (Shannon). He argues that this specific category involves well-connected networks of social elites who share corrupt advantages in an environment of fierce political competition and enhanced economic liberalization. Such politically powerful figures regularly â€Å"work together to protect and maintain their advantages and stave off the opposition† (Johnston cited in Shannon). This is exactly the style of top Israeli politicians and official moguls who exploit their own people in order to foment their personal wealth and form a channel of corruption by notoriously collaborating among themselves. Lost in their wicked conspiracies, they do not maintain a sincere assoc iation with Israeli public, rather use their political influence to transform state agencies into promising means of personal welfare. Consistent bad ranking exposed by a huge collection of analytical studies has not managed as yet to inculcate a sense of responsibility and awareness in the minds of Israeli politicians. Rather Israel continues to be the poorest, disreputable, and most unreliable member of the OECD and the Western world. Research cites that corruption and fraudulence affairs currently occupy the center of the Israeli political stage (Avnery) with many former powerful political figures including prime ministers and governors awaiting judgments in rape and bribery trials. It is thought to be a matter of great concern by all critics that while many other countries suffering from similar troublesome conditions have shown significant improvements over the past years, corruption in Israel remains unaffected by any reconstructive agendas and continues to successfully genera te political upheaval. There is such explicit austerity in political corruption in Israel that millions of lives have been and continue to be sacrificed to resulting exigencies. The series of outrageous events

Do markets and the division of labour encourage or discourage social Assignment

Do markets and the division of labour encourage or discourage social cohesion - Assignment Example 7-10). This splitting up and distributing the labor into smaller tasks and jobs emerged the concept of division of labor, as the production process is a huge and complex process. Adam Smith, one of the well-known economists and capitalists, not only presented this idea of division of labor but also was one of the first people to attempt a theory of it. This means that instead of one person striving to complete the entire job, allocating a group of people to perform a small number of specialized tasks would result in greater productive outputs of intricate jobs with less amount of investment utilization (Smith, 2009, pp. 7-10). In other words, the breaking or splitting the entire (big) job into smaller tasks and duties so that multiple workforce performs the tasks and duties, instead of a single person performing the entire job. Moreover, the division of labors means that the labors come under severance into different categories of labor where each set of different workers perform a different task with the division of the work that can come under accomplishment into a product (Smith, 2009, pp. 7-10). This splitting up the workers for specialized work lays the foundation on the principle that the workforce would be able to produce a higher degree of efficiency and productive output when they comes under constraint to perform a particular process, rather than the entire route. Furthermore, by performing smaller tasks, the workers tend to become more skillful and expert in that particular area of production, thus they would be able to be more productive. This also means that the specialized worker would also require less time in production as the time in switching the jobs would come under elimination (Besanko, Dranove, Shanley & Schaefer, 2009, pp. 49-51). Division of labor is one of the fundamental ideologies used in the production systems. This division of labor into specialized jobs reduces the overall cost leads to the

Workforce 2020 Executive Report - DHSOS Assignment

Workforce 2020 Executive Report - DHSOS - Assignment Example Future trends – forecast 6 3.1 Economic, social, demographic, and workforce parameters that are expected to be in the U.S. in the year 2020 6 3.2 What are the general trends in leadership/management that are impacting your organization? 7 4. Recommendations – changes needed for the future in order for the organization to meet the expected challenges of 2020 8 4.1 Leadership actions that the organization should take 8 4.2 Competencies that will be needed 9 4.3 What does the organization need to do to be prepared? 10 References 11 Summary The standardization of organizational performance in the long term is a challenging task. Firms that tend to perform high on annual basis may face periods of downturns; this phenomenon has been related to problems in the organization’s internal environment, especially in regard to the leadership style and the workforce structure. Managers in DHSOS, a medium-size firm of the US computer industry, face the following dilemma: should they try to support the firm’s existing leadership practices or they should promote major changes in regard to the firm’s leadership style and workforce structure? The first choice has been considered as rather risky; the second one, i.e. the emphasis on changes on the specific sectors has been chosen. The particular plan can secure, at higher level, the limitation of a series of organizational problems that would result to severe delays in the firm’s performance up to 2020. 1. Introduction The ability of an organization to survive in the modern market is depended on certain criteria. Issues, such as the organization’s leadership style, its workforce diversity but also the quality and the level of communication are critical for the long-term success of the organization in its industry. On the other hand, in high competitive industries, the challenges for organizations of all sizes can be significant, at least compared to less competitive industries. DHSOS is one of the most promising firms in the computer industry in USA. The firm focuses on the provision of IT consultancy services in large firms. The firm was first established in New York in March of 2009, i.e. about 3 years before. During this time, the firm has managed to develop its customer base at least by 80%, a fact that it is quite promising for the firm’s performance in the future. Currently, the firm’s employees are estimated to 540, across the firm’s branches in New York, Chicago and Illinois. Up to the end of 2011, the firm’s performance seemed to be continuously developed, with no sign of a potential downturn. However, during the first half of this year, the firm seems to be unable to control employee performance, which tends to change unexpectedly leading to important losses, as compared to the same period of last year. A careful review of the organization’s key trends, such as its structure, its leadership style and its workforce ch aracteristics leads to the assumption that a series of changes need to be made in regard to the particular organizational sectors. These changes are highlighted in this paper, which can be used, as a manual for the firm’s workforce needs by 2020. 2. DHSOS – Presentation and analysis of key organizational trends 2.1 Organizational structure Since its establishment, DHSOS has been a highly centralized organization. In fact, its leadership style can be characterized as autocratic. The leader of the organization sets the key criteria on which workforce structure and employee performance would be evaluated. Moreover, the promotion of team – work within the organization is rather limited. Tasks are assigned to individuals are need to be completed by them, usually without cooperation with other colleagues. This practice has resulted, in many cases, to

The Roles Of Women In Terrorism

The Roles Of Women In Terrorism The involvement of women in terrorist organisations is by no means new, but their role therein has changed markedly over recent years. Up until the late twentieth century, women in terrorist organisations were largely assigned tasks removed from the front lines of political violence they existed only to support their male counterparts, through gathering intelligence, providing healthcare, and even maintaining safe houses for more-active terrorists. Since then, and though women continue to perform those functions, the role of female terrorists has evolved into something more active, perhaps tougher, more fanatical, more loyal, than previously seen.  [1]  Indeed, while formerly confined to more auxiliary roles, female members of violent extremist groups now engage directly in attacks, including suicide bombings, attracting widespread disbelief and heightened media interest. After looking at terrorisms definitional problems, this paper will examine three different categories of involvement by women in terrorism: women as terrorists actually joining extremist organisations and carrying out attacks; women as enablers their role in motivating, inspiring, or encouraging potential terrorists; and women as preventers analysis of their involvement in counterterrorism. In so doing, it will focus on women and terrorism, as opposed to the overlapping concept of women and war. Both concepts of women engaging in terrorism and of womens roles in wars are broad and nuanced, and a single paper cannot do both justice. For this reason, the former alone will be examined here. Both terrorism and gender in conflict have been studied and written about extensively. The recognition of rape as a weapon of war has led to a timely re-evaluation of gender in warfare,  [2]  and much has been written on the subject of terrorism, particularly since September 2001, when terrorism entered into mainstream media and non-academic literature, even in those countries not directly affected by it. Yet, terrorism through the prism of gender has only recently gained ground in academic and media discourse, partly due to the rise of the female suicide bomber.  [3]  This study will consult literature mainly on political violence, but also on the role of women in society, drawing out observations on the impact of women on terrorism, as well as on how womens unique position in society can be harnessed for counterterrorism purposes. In addition, the paper will briefly comment on what the implications are for gender equality. Indeed, does the advent of female terrorists mirror the advance of women in society? This paper will provide a broad overview of the womens roles in terrorism, with more-detailed comments on their potential for de-radicalising active and potential terrorists. Women as Participants in Terrorism Although terrorism is one of the most widely used words in both international relations and the news media, the word lacks a clear, universal definition. Those who try to characterise it often harbour underlying biases (rendering their definitions questionable), or, in the case of some governments and the media, they may seek to label as many events as possible with a provocative term to demonise a particular group or to create headlines. Terrorism has a pejorative implication and those associated with it are therefore degraded politically and socially.  [4]  Most would agree, however, that fear is intrinsic to any successful terrorism. As political scientist Martha Crenshaw explains, [t]errorism is a method by which an agent tends to produce terror in order to impose his[/her] domination.  [5]  Many other definitions of terrorism exist, including Walter Laqueurs assertion that the meaning of terrorism has been changing throughout history,  [6]  and Brian Michael Jenkins description of the phenomenon as the use or threatened use of force to bring about political change.  [7]  For the purposes of this work, Jenkins definition shall suffice, but with the qualifier that, in the case of millennialist or some fundamentalist groups, political change need not be the final end.  [8]   Examples of women committing terrorist acts abound. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been cited as amongst the first terrorist groups to employ women as attackers, with over one-third of their membership composed of females, who, in addition to suicide bomb missions, have duties on the battlefield, in the kitchen, and in medical camps.  [9]  LTTEs Black Tigresses, are not alone. The Chechen Black Widows, a brigade of female suicide bombers, carried out a dozen suicide bombings over two years, murdering 330 people.  [10]  Similarly, Wafa Idris, the first female suicide bomber, was a twenty-eight-year-old working for the Palestinian Red Crescent when she was deployed on a suicide mission to Jerusalem in 2002. Her bomb killed one person (in addition to herself), and injured 114.  [11]  While the death toll was low, Idris bombing, carried out for the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, served as an excellent recruitment tool, particularly among women. Indeed, the group s ubsequently established squads of willing female suicide bombers squads actually named for Idris.  [12]  Similarly, during the intifadas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas both witnessed a surge in female bombers Syrian nationalists and Kurdish separatists operate in this way, and women in Uzbekistan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Egypt have also joined the terror ranks.  [13]   Woman: the perfect terrorist? Women make excellent terrorists. Traditionally societys inherently nurturing and non-violent caregivers, females tend to attract less attention from security services and are less prone to be searched, questioned, and interrogated in the way that males are particularly in Muslim societies, which carry particular cultural sensitivities regarding the role of women.  [14]  Testament to this, earlier this month a suicide bomber in Somalia disguised himself as a woman, complete with a veil and a females shoes, before detonating explosives in a crowded Mogadishu hotel.  [15]  And even when women are under suspicion, the capacity may not exist to interrogate them: after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, airport security services struggled to recruit enough female staff to carry out searches of women. One of the overriding attractions of using females for violent ends is, therefore, the slim chance of their attracting suspicion; additionally, even if that suspicion is ther e, the capacity may not exist to stop them. In part because violence against women (and children) is deemed by society to be more abhorrent (due to their supposed greater vulnerability), terrorism carried out by women is also more shocking, as will be discussed later in the paper. Ironically, it is the very weakness that makes women the most appealing/effective victims (in that they elicit wider coverage for the group behind the attack) that appears to make women terrorisms best instigators. Following the 2002 Moscow theatre hostage crisis, which involved female as well as male hostage-takers, one commentator posited that, for a woman to commit terrorism, she must be more fanatical than a male terrorist, and is therefore more terrifying than her male colleagues: For feminine engagement in activities that are so classically male bespeaks a far greater zeal. This is hard to verify, but that his analysis of women and terrorism goes on to note that female Islamists must be especially zealous, given that the reward of virgins awaiting the suicide bomber in heaven holds no appeal for them certainly seems plausible.  [16]  It could then be said that the greater fear elicited by the female extremist adds to her effectiveness as a terrorist. Terrorist groups manipulate and capitalise on the stereotypes of women to suit their violent goals. Suicide bombings in themselves, while still abhorrent, are increasingly commonplace almost weekly, news consumers see coverage of bombings in graphic detail. Terrorists have thus sought out ways to renew the impact of their violence (to which many, particularly in areas not directly impacted by attacks, have become partially desensitised), and the use of women as bombers is symptomatic of this. With most terrorism hinging on the publicity it attracts, groups play into the shock value of using women as human bombs; this elicits the double-shock of both the brutality of the act itself and the notion of someones daughter/mother/sister/wife as the instigator. Summing up the importance of the oxygen publicity affords terrorist organisations,  [17]  Front de Libà ©ration Nationale (FLN) leader Ramdane Abane asks rhetorically, Is it preferable for our cause to kill ten enemies in an oue d [dry riverbed] of Telergma when no one will talk of it, or a single man in Algiers which will be noted the next day by the American press?  [18]   Not only do female terrorists elicit more coverage, boosting both the fear a given attack elicits and the number of potential recruits reached, the type of coverage received is also different from that given to their male colleagues. Coverage of acts committed by women provide[s] more detail about possible motivations of the individual, while actions committed by men [are] explained more often in terms of the groups motivation.  [19]  (My emphasis.) Indeed, female terrorists also increase the likelihood that the social conditions, discrimination, and hardships experienced by a given group will be featured in the news media,  [20]  representing a significant incentive for particular organisations to use women over men. While suicide terrorism exemplifies vividly the impact female terrorists can have, other roles for women in political violence should not be overlooked. In terms of their roles away from the front lines of terrorism, women in extremist organisations were in the past often confined to less-active duties, such as healthcare provision, intelligence gathering, and even maintenance of safe houses for more-active terrorists. Some still do play these roles, and recent studies of terrorism and the internet have unearthed evidence of women now also playing the role of scholar, translating for their male counterparts and interpreting religious texts. In addition, females can boost depleted numbers of combatants, be it by joining the ranks themselves or by providing jihad wombs.  [21]  They also contribute by using their maiden names to open bank accounts (to avoid attracting the attention of antiterrorism agencies), and even raising money for terror groups through charity functions.  [22 ]   Does all this make a woman the perfect terrorist? While women hold many comparative advantages over men eliciting less suspicion, holding greater shock value, and even remaining engaged in terrorism longer than do men on average  [23]   some factors make women less attractive. In the face of stereotypes of women as non-violent wives, sisters, mothers, and daughters, it surprises many to learn that female terrorists are viewed by some as more deadly, in that some security forces deem them less likely to hesitate when carrying out a violent mission. One scholar further posits that women terrorists are possessors of a greater capacity for suffering.  [24]  Reasons for this resoluteness can only be speculated about, but the small variations between genders in why individuals engage in terrorism could be relevant: as will be discussed, vengeance is a particularly strong motivator among female extremists and may serve also to sustain a womans interest, and involvement, in a given cause. Counterterrorism recruits in INTERPOL accordingly even follow a shoot-the-women-first policy.  [25]   Other factors can discourage the use of women by terrorists groups: some members may view women as a threat to group cohesion (many groups lean heavily on male bonding to sustain the dynamic needed to commit violence for a given cause), and certain societies frown upon the use of women in combat roles. However, the overwhelming importance of publicity to terrorism seems to outweigh such concerns regarding female terrorists: women extremists occupy more column inches than do their male counterparts. And, with all terrorism, coverage confers the impression of power something all terrorist groups seek to wield. What motivates women terrorists A recent study of what motivates suicide terrorists found that there was little variation between genders in this regard both men and women tend to engage in terrorism for similar reasons. However, a few important differences in motivation were noted, including, among women, vengeance. Having lost a loved one at the hands of a particular groups perceived enemy, a mother, wife, or sister may be more inclined to join that group, and actively engage in terrorism.  [26]  Wafa Idris felt personally aggrieved by the horrors she witnessed at the Palestinian Red Crescent, by her brothers imprisonment, and at being displaced from Ramallah by Israel. But analysts also cite personal sadnesses she endured, unrelated to her cause, as motivation for her actions: After marriage, Idris had a late miscarriage. The doctors said she could have no more children. Her husbands response was to divorce her and marry again.  [27]  Seldom does one see this type of analysis where male bombers are conc erned; that attacks instigated by females are analysed in greater depth, speaks to the fascination they seem to hold over the media and potential extremists alike. Terrorist recruiters targeting women play into their need to feel involved, which is similar to male-terrorist recruitment, but the reasons for that lack of involvement in society differ. For example, in Central Asia, the Kyrgyz, largely non-violent, terrorist group Hizb-ut-Tabhir (HT), is pursuing the restoration of an Islamic caliphate in the region through allegedly peaceful political means. A recent International Crisis Group report on HT examines why, in a country where women enjoy a secular society and relative equality, they are moved to support HT a movement which appears to marginalise them. The report finds that since Kyrgyzstan, post-independence, lacks a coherent national identity, an Islamic one fills that void. Islams traditional representatives often do not make any appeal to women, whereas HT does, offering both social services and religious education to women. The HT brand of Islam emphasises Islamic sisterhood, and, in conservative areas, where women and girls have few social outlets, gender-segregated HT meetings allow women to mix with other women and reap the benefits of such interactions.  [28]   The type of marginalisation that, in various Western societies, fuelled womens liberation movements, is replaced in other, less-free societies (where rights are fiercely withheld), by the appeal of extremism. Rather than agitation for gender equality, which is notoriously elusive in some societies, a minority of women turn to other causes, which give them a sense of belonging and the opportunity to be involved in the types of groups previously unavailable to them. From these examples particularly that of HT in Kyrgyzstan it is clear that marginalisation by society at large makes individuals more vulnerable to the appeal of extremism. In the case of women specifically, it could be extrapolated that the very marginalisation they experience as a result of gender inequality, is played on by terrorists to bring them into sphere of extremism, increasingly as active participants. As will be discussed, terrorism can seem like a more alluring pursuit to women in those societies where their rights, gender and otherwise, are curtailed perhaps even suicide can seem appealing. But we must note that gender serves as little incentive in itself to commit violence, and neither sex seems moved to carry out terrorist attacks based on gender alone. What should be taken away from these observations is that outlets need be given to empower women in those societies where extremism is most likely to fill the empowerment vacuum. In essence, marginalisation based on gender is something of a force multiplier where fertile ground for extremism already exists. Women as Enablers of Terrorism In number, women are not equal to men, constituting more than half of the world population, and in their traditional roles as mothers, wives, sisters, and girlfriends females may impact every facet of terrorist activity. It is in this that they have been cited as motivation for other terrorists to engage in violence, as well as as reason to disengage, which will be elaborated later on. Women terrorists also appear to reach a wider audience where terrorist recruitment is concerned; the cults of personality female terrorists attract can serve to inspire would-be extremists and build support for a given cause. In their non-violent roles, also, women in specific communities actively recruit terrorists: In Syria, similar to the tactics of HT in Kyrgyzstan, sisterhood organisations proselytise extreme religious doctrine; while, in Pakistan, the mujahidaat are women who engage in collective non-violent endeavors geared towards recruiting and supporting violent extremist groups. In 2008, 1,000 women in Lebanon marched to show their support for Hezbollah; and, in Gaza, women gathered to form a human barrier between Israeli forces and militants hiding in a mosque in 2006.  [29]  These examples of women enabling terrorism and facilitating warfare can be ascribed to the types of discontent that motivate all terrorists, but, for women in societies where their rights are oppressed on the grounds of gender, something further can be inferred: gender equality in other aspects of life would remove a layer of discontent that contributes to terrorism. The cult of personality that the female terrorist seems to attract is also important in the recruitment and inspiration of other terrorists. Indeed, women seem more likely to receive such attention than men, thus further prolonging media interest something on which terrorist groups thrive. Leila Khaled, a Palestinian hijacker with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), drew much public attention for the very fact of her gender.  [30]  Aged just twenty-one years, Khaleds involvement in the 1969 hijacking of a passenger flight received wide coverage, in a way very appealing to terrorist recruiters: Her sexuality was always emphasisedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ She is the pin-up of armed struggle; like her hero, Che Guevara, Khaled had the glamour as well as the belief.  [31]  Her role morphed into one of a cultural icon, foreshadowing that of Wafa Idris, who also seemed to fascinate commentators: The Arab press glorified Idris. One Egyptian newspaper compared her to the Mona Lisa, registering her dreamy eyes and the mysterious smile on her lips. Others cited Joan of Arc, or the Virgin Mary.  [32]  Khaled and Idris attracted an entirely different type of media coverage than do their male counterparts. Very rarely if ever do male suicide bombers make headlines based on their physical attractiveness. But the media coverage paid dividends for their respective organisations. Following her death, Idris attracted copycats: more women suicide bombers materialised in the West Bank: One [female suicide bomber], a 21-year-old English-literature student named Darin Aisheh, detonated explosives in her car at a military checkpoint in February, wounding three policemen. Andaleeb Takafka, 20, killed herself and six others, and injured 104 people in April, using explosive tied to her waist. Ayat Akhras, 18, blew herself up outside a Jerusalem bus stop a month earlier.  [33]   In terms of traditional (or non-suicide) terrorism, female role models have also had a place in history. Ulrike Meinhof of the Red Army Faction, active in Germany in the 1970s, famously directed her groups campaign, which, unlike most other terrorist organisations, actually cited womens liberation as a strand of its goals. For many years the most famous female terrorist, Meinhof has been credited with inspiring German terrorism,  [34]  and has been the subject of numerous books and a handful of films. Indeed, in 1981 ten of the fourteen most-wanted terrorists in West Germany were female.  [35]  Bernadette Devlin, a vocal supporter of the Irish Republicanism, became the youngest female Member of the British Parliament (in a high-profile effort to champion Irish independence) and drew much attention, both for the fact of her age and her gender. Like Meinhof, she inspired much interest, even gaining the nickname Fidel Castro in a miniskirt. A biopic about her is in production.  [36]   As well as female suicide bombers spurring imitators, and other female terrorists becoming figureheads for their causes, the actions of women not actually active in terrorism, but rather in encouraging terrorists, can have devastating consequences. Among extremists, suicide bombers are lauded as heroes, in a way deeply disturbing to the moderate majority. As such, some families, mothers in particular, aspire to have their sons sacrificed as martyrs: Families of martyrs are honoured as family members of someone who gave his life to the cause. Many speak of their sons, husbands, or brothers commitment, dedication, and the pride felt by society.  [37]  Indeed, the glamorisation of martyrdom appears to be perpetuated by the families, spouses, and partners, which speaks to both womens role in radicalising moderates and their potential for de-radicalising the extreme. Just as military traditions can span generations within families, with son after father, after grandfather, enlisting i n the armed forces, traditions of extremism can also perpetuate. While men are naturally equally, and perhaps more, guilty of this sort of encouragement (in terms of offspring turning to terrorism) that women are being singled out in counterterrorism for their potential to de-radicalise their husbands, brothers, and sons speaks to the importance of their role in radicalisation. As does the example of Bernadette Devlin, whose experience can perhaps be cited as evidence of the role of families (mothers specifically) in actually enabling their children in the pursuit of extremism: her daughter, Rà ³isà ­n McAliskey, was arrested in Germany in connection with an IRA bombing of a British Army barracks there.  [38]  This speaks to the role of mothers in influencing offspring towards terrorism, and exemplifies what it is that newer counterterrorism programmes seek to prevent. (The roles of women in de-radicalisation and prevention will be examined in the next section of the paper.) Returning to the example of suicide martyrs, male bombers and their families often cite the promise of seventy-two virgin brides awaiting them in heaven upon completing their missions as part of their motivation.  [39]  An attack carried out by al-Qassam in 1994 demonstrates the encouragement families provide to some terrorists: The bombers family and the sponsoring organization celebrate his martyrdom with festivities, as if it were a weddingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Often, the mother will ululate in joy over the honor that Allah has bestowed upon her family.  [40]   Indeed, in different ways, potential terrorists are encouraged by extremist groups and by those in their social network to engage in terrorism, but the differences between the two genders in these respects merit examination. With women holding so much potential in terms of counterterrorism, the exact nature of their role in enabling terrorism should also be better understood. Women as Preventers of Terrorism While women are cited as motivation to enter into violent extremism, much evidence exists of their roles in facilitating disengagement from terrorism and in otherwise thwarting terrorist activity.  [41]  In removing their children from cultures of extremism or preventing their falling prey to extremism in the first place, by becoming intelligence officers, and even as spouses involved in the rehabilitation of extremists, women make very effective counterterrorists. Counterterrorism programmes worldwide are beginning to focus more on softer measures than the military- and police-centred approaches increasingly seen in the aftermath of 11 September 2001, favouring instead de-radicalisation through education and dialogue, as well as increases in aid and poverty-alleviation policies. In these newer de-radicalisation programmes, terrorists and other violent extremists are rehabilitated in various ways, often including education in the true peaceful meanings of religious texts, and ar e usually given a more solid grounding in social networks removed from their previous extremist affiliations. In this section, examples of extant terrorism-prevention and terrorist-rehabilitation programmes with women at their centres are examined. Given that the group dynamic afforded by terrorist organisations for individual members often replaces that persons family, strengthened family and relationship ties can help facilitate a persons disengagement from a particular cause, i.e., to provide them with a non-violent, appealing alternative to terrorism. Indeed, Bjà ¸rgo and others highlight the importance of avoiding a social vacuum, when a terrorist repents, and women can play a fundamental role in this.  [42]  In his study of what moves right-wing extremists to de-radicalise, he asserts that gaining and upholding family commitments, including getting a girlfriend (or boyfriend), are among the strongest motives for leaving a cause behind.  [43]  As such, programmes exist to facilitate not just finding employment, but entering into marriage, all as part of the rehabilitation of violent extremists.  [44]   A Moroccan initiative that focuses on women, recruiting them as messengers to present the moderate mainstream Islam as a counterweight to fundamentalist ideology, has met with some success. Spearheaded by the Moroccan King, the initiative seeks to feminize the face of Islam, in order to provide an enlightened alternative to the extremist, often misrepresented brand of Islam terrorist groups employ.  [45]   In Saudi Arabia, a counterterrorism scheme called the Saudi Counselling Programme, has been the most successful and expansive of its kind, and Christopher Boucek posits that this is due in part to its being rooted in respect for cultural and religious traditions.  [46]  It could be extrapolated from this that women, as central figures in every culture, could hold the key to developing societal answers to a given societys terrorism problem, or at least to grounding each initiative in the appropriate culture. A spate of new programmes centred on mothers preventing the radicalisation of their children supports thi

Sex Without Love by Sharon Olds Essay -- Papers Analysis Sharon Olds

Sex Without Love by Sharon Olds 'Sex Without Love,' by Sharon Olds passionately described the author's disgust for casual sex in which she vividly animates the immorality of lustful sex through the variety of her language. The sarcasm used in this selection can easily be misunderstood and quite confusing if the words and lines are not analyzed with specific construction. Olds' clever use of imagery and frequent uses of similes, to make the reader imagine actual events, makes this poem come to life. For example, Olds describes making love as 'Beautiful as dancers.' (Line #2) in this line, she questions how one can do such a beautiful act with a person whom one is not in love with. Olds also describes sex as 'gliding over each other like ice skaters over the ice.' While these lines may sound enticing, one may have to read in between the lines to determine that she is imaging sex as a performance. (Line #3, #4) By imagining an ice skating performance one can quickly conclude that each ice skater is performing for a nu mber of judges and an audience to attain an award. Olds uses thi...